Kedesh, located in northern Israel, served as a busy administrative center for the Ptolemies in the third century and for the Seleucids in the second century BCE. It was abruptly abandoned around 150 BCE, and this power vacuum contributed to the success of the Maccabees. Photo: Courtesy of the Tel Kedesh Excavations / Sharon Herbert & Andrea Berlin, Directors.

Who were the Maccabees, what did they do?

From priests to kings, the Maccabees created an independent Jewish kingdom in the second century BCE. Their success was a testament to their zeal—and some significant external factors. The Book of 1 Maccabees tells the story of their rise, while archaeology places the story within a larger historical and political context. Andrea M. Berlin of Boston University analyzes both in her article, “The Rise of the Maccabees,” published in the Summer 2023 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

There are several ancient texts that describe the Maccabees’ rise to power. These include the apocryphal books of 1 and 2 Maccabees, as well as the writings of Josephus, a Jewish historian who lived in the first century. They detail the events, summarized below, which transpired in the second century BCE and led to the foundation of the Hasmonean Kingdom.

The Seleucid and Ptolemaic Empires c. 150 BCE. Map: Biblical Archaeology Society.

The Rise of the Maccabees, According to History

1. In the mid-second century BCE, the Seleucid Empire controlled Judea and promoted Hellenistic (Greek) culture and religion. Some Jews embraced this, but others did not.
2. The Seleucid ruler Antiochus IV escalated tensions by sacking Jerusalem, building a fortress (called the Akra), sacrificing a pig in the Jerusalem Temple, and issuing an edict to abolish Jewish law and worship.
3. In opposition, Mattathias Maccabee, a Jewish priest, and his five sons, John, Simon, Judah, Eliezer, and Jonathan, started a rebellion c. 167 BCE. They gathered forces and fought against the Seleucid rulers and those who supported them.
4. The Maccabees suffered loss, with Mattathias, John, Judah, Eliezer, and Jonathan all dying in battle. Nevertheless, they managed to rededicate the Temple and reclaim Jerusalem and Judea. They established an independent Jewish kingdom, called the Hasmonean Kingdom, with Simon Maccabee as its first ruler c. 142 BCE.
5. Later Hasmonean rulers continued to expand their kingdom into Samaria and Galilee. Some even took the title of king.

FREE ebook: Jerusalem Archaeology: Exposing the Biblical City Read about some of the city’s most groundbreaking excavations.

Email(Required)

REQUEST FREE BOOK

The Hasmonean Kingdom c. 110 BCE. Who were the Maccabees, and what did they do? The Maccabees were a priestly family who founded an independent Jewish kingdom, the Hasmonean Kingdom, in the second century BCE. Map: Biblical Archaeology Society.

The Rise of the Maccabees, According to Archaeology

To gain another viewpoint of these events, Andrea M. Berlin takes readers on an archaeological survey of the regions that became Maccabean territory: Judea, Samaria, and part of Galilee. In cities and villages across Galilee and part of the coastal plain, she sees a recurring pattern: Sites prospered and reflect a Hellenistic culture during the beginning of the second century BCE, but then they were abruptly abandoned or destroyed in the 140s BCE. Later in the second century BCE, they were resettled and reflect Jewish life and culture.

The interpretation seems clear: The Seleucids controlled the area and promoted Greek culture and international trade networks. Then they abandoned the area; something forced them out. Later, Jews resettled these areas as part of the Hasmonean Kingdom.
Historical texts credit the Maccabees as being the force that drove the Seleucids from those lands, but Berlin believes that the archaeological remains tell another story. The sites reflect decades of tension between the two major powers in the area: the Ptolemaic Empire, based in Egypt, and the Seleucid Empire, based in Syria and Turkey. Both desired the region, tried to exert their influence over it, and fought each other repeatedly to gain control over its territories. That fighting, as well as infighting among Seleucid factions, is what caused the destruction and abandonment of Galilean sites in the middle of the second century BCE. The land then lay abandoned for about 20 years before being resettled as part of the Hasmonean Kingdom. Berlin explains:

The brutal events of the late 140s left broad regions with abandoned settlements and broken networks. It is exactly inside this moment that Simon retakes the Akra in Jerusalem—an event that, considering how factionalized and otherwise occupied the competing Seleucid forces were, may now be seen as more opportunistic than organized.

The Maccabees certainly had some victories, but they also benefited immensely from the fighting between the Ptolemaic and Seleucid empires. Essentially, they walked into a power vacuum, which enabled them to establish their kingdom. To learn more, read Andrea M. Berlin’s article, “The Rise of the Maccabees,” published in the Summer 2023 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, and explore the Special Collection of articles on the Maccabees, “Meet the Maccabees,” in the BAS Library.

BAS Library Members: Read the full article “The Rise of the Maccabees” by Andrea M. Berlin in the Summer 2023 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Not a BAS Library or All-Access Member yet? Join today.

Related reading in Bible History Daily

Hanukkah, 1 and 2 Maccabees, and the Apocrypha

Modi’in: Where the Maccabees Lived

Where the Heroes of the Maccabean Revolt Lie

Rome and the Maccabees: A Friendship Set in Bronze?

Where the Heroes of the Maccabean Revolt Lie

All-Access membrs, read more in the BAS Library

The Rise of the Maccabees

Inscription Reveals Roots of Maccabean Revolt

Meet the Maccabees

Monumental Tombs from Maussollos to the Maccabees

Modi’in: Hometown of the Maccabees

The post Who Were the Maccabees and What Did They Do? appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.

LAW AND ORDER: The Greek papyrus discovered in the Judean Desert. Courtesy Shai Halevi, IAA.

A lengthy papyrus, found in the Judean Desert, sheds light on law and order in the Roman provinces of Judea and Arabia. Translated by a joint Israeli-Austrian team, and published in the journal Tyche, the papyrus dates to between 129 and 132 CE and details a gripping legal case involving forgery, tax evasion, and the fraudulent sale and manumission of slaves. According to Avner Ecker, one of the text’s translators, “This is the best-documented Roman court case from Judea apart from the trial of Jesus.”

The eBook, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Past, Present, and Future, brings together articles and interviews with the world’s leading experts on the scrolls. Receive your free copy today!

Email(Required)

REQUEST FREE BOOK

Forgery and Fraud in the Second Century

The papyrus, which contains 133 lines of preserved text, is the longest Greek papyrus ever uncovered in the Judean Desert, although for decades it had been misclassified as a Nabatean text and practically lost in the archives of the Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA). It was only while perusing the archives that Hannah Cotton Paltiel of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem noticed the unique document. “When I saw it, marked ‘Nabataean,’ I exclaimed, ‘It’s Greek to me!’” remarked Cotton Paltiel in a press release.

Upon translation, the team that Cotton Paltiel put together realized the papyrus preserves an incredible snapshot into the Roman legal system and life between two Jewish revolts against the Romans: the Diaspora Revolt (c. 115–117 CE) and the Bar-Kokhba Revolt (c. 132–136 CE). The papyrus, which pertains to a legal case brought before a Roman court, contains the prosecutor’s trial notes and a rapidly drafted transcript of the judicial hearing itself.

The case consists of charges of corrupt dealings against two Jewish men, Gadalias and Saulos. Gadalias had a criminal history involving violence, extortion, counterfeiting, and inciting rebellion. Saulos, his collaborator, orchestrated the fictitious sale and manumission of slaves without paying the requisite Roman taxes. To conceal their activities, the defendants forged documents. “Forgery and tax fraud carried severe penalties under Roman law, including hard labor or even capital punishment,” explained Anna Dolganov of the Austrian Academy of Sciences who was part of the translation team. It is unclear what the purpose of freeing the slaves was or exactly who the slaves were, but it could have involved human trafficking or possibly reflected the biblical duty to redeem enslaved Jews. As pointed out by Ecker, “freeing slaves does not appear to be a profitable business model.”

Detail of the infrared image of the Papyrus Cotton. Courtesy IAA.

In addition to the papyrus’s fascinating story, it also sheds light on Roman legal practices in the region at the time, showing the empire’s ability to exercise legal control and regulate private business even in remote regions. The text further suggests that both men were suspected of having been involved in rebellious activities against the Romans, during Emperor Hadrian’s visit to the region in 129. It is unclear if they participated in such activities, but the accusation highlights the suspicion of possible conspiracies during a period of increased unrest. The preserved lines of the papyrus make no mention of the trial’s outcome, which may have been interrupted by the outbreak of the Bar-Kokhba Revolt.

FREE ebook: The Dead Sea Scrolls: Discovery and Meaning. What the Dead Sea Scrolls teach about Judaism and Christianity.

Email(Required)

REQUEST FREE BOOK

Due in part to the papyrus’s mistaken classification in the IAA archives, its exact history has unfortunately been lost. However, examining excavation records and other papyri in the archive, the team suggests that it was probably discovered in the 1950s or ‘60s in the caves of Nahal Hever where many similar papyri were found.

Related reading in Bible History Daily

What Are the Dead Sea Scrolls?

Dead Sea Scrolls History: Looking Back on the Last 75 Years

All-Access members, read more in the BAS Library:

The Dead Sea Scrolls and Early Christianity: Part One

The Dead Sea Scrolls and Early Christianity: Part Two

The post Roman Law & Order: Judean Fraud Unit appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.

For the Freedom of Zion: The Great Revolt of Jews Against Romans, 66–74 CE

By Guy MacLean Rogers
(New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2021), xxii + 721 pp., 23 b/w photos and drawings, 5 maps; $37.50 (hardcover), $28.49 (eBook)
Reviewed by Dennis Mizzi

In 66 CE, fighting between the Jewish populace and their Roman overlords broke out in Judea. It eventually led to all-out war, culminating in the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE. Three years later, the last rebel stronghold at Masada was captured. These events proved to be game changing for the ensuing history of Judaism and Christianity as well as the Roman Empire.

Thanks to Flavius Josephus, the first-century Jewish writer who played an active role in the First Jewish Revolt against Rome and was witness to some of its major events, scholars have a treasure trove of information to sift through. One could say that without Josephus’s Jewish War (and his Life and Antiquities) we would know next to nothing about the war’s ins and outs. But to many scholars, Josephus is an obstacle that has to be overcome in the quest to untangle the “real” causes of the revolt and to unfold its events.

FREE ebook: Jerusalem Archaeology: Exposing the Biblical City Read about some of the city’s most groundbreaking excavations.

Email(Required)

REQUEST FREE BOOK

Josephus’s work is considered suspect by many, partly because he tries to cast the blame for the revolt’s outbreak on a few unsavory characters while exculpating his own class, the aristocracy. Josephus also wrote a different kind of history than we are used to. His work is at home in the Greco-Roman world; in typical fashion, it blends drama with history, is imbued with his moral and theological values (and judgments!), and is shaped by his apologetic tendencies. Consequently, scholars have invested enormous effort into interrogating Josephus’s work and its reliability.

With his book For the Freedom of Zion, Guy MacLean Rogers enters this conversation by acknowledging these limitations, except that he sees this as an opportunity, not an encumbrance. Whether we like it or not, the war that we can know about in detail is Josephus’s war, which is both a blessing and a challenge. While it is commonplace to resort to archaeology to test Josephus’s reliability, Rogers recognizes the limits of these endeavors. Although archaeological evidence for siege warfare confirms that particular battles did indeed take place, this has little to no bearing in evaluating Josephus’s credibility. Furthermore, archaeological remains are not a substitute for the rich narrative that the historian presents. Therefore, argues Rogers, we must take seriously Josephus’s unique, albeit complicated, perspective about the war’s various events.

In his approach to Josephus, Rogers departs from previous scholarship in a fundamental way. Instead of limiting his focus to the causes of the revolt—a major scholarly preoccupation—he takes a deep dive into every aspect of Josephus’s narrative. Although Rogers reads Josephus critically, he is more receptive to his viewpoint than most scholars today. For example, on the much-disputed historicity of the mass suicide at Masada, Rogers puts the burden of proof on modern scholars to refute Josephus’s testimony. He argues that Josephus’s story would be moot if it were completely fabricated, and it would have been called into question by many leading Romans with whom Josephus says he shared his text. Rogers also emphasizes that Josephus indirectly offers a less-than-flattering portrayal of the Roman emperors Vespasian and Titus, which shows that his work cannot be dismissed as a mere tool of imperial propaganda.

Concerning the causes of the revolt, Rogers forgoes systemic explanations. There were always religious, political, and cultural tensions in Roman Judea, and war could have broken out at various other points before 66 CE, but it did not. Like many other conflicts, what precipitated the First Revolt was a series of individual (sometimes rash) actions and decisions, insignificant in and of themselves, but which, in combination, created a deadly chain reaction that ultimately ignited the sparks of war. The revolt, in other words, was neither predictable nor inevitable.

Significantly, Rogers shifts the spotlight onto Rome’s responsibility for the revolt’s outbreak and its devastating outcome. Following the great fire in Rome in 64 CE, Nero was cash-strapped, and Judea and other provinces were tasked to foot the bill. Some of the provocative actions undertaken by the procurators, which helped fan the flames of war, can be linked directly to Rome’s financial needs. Vespasian, moreover, may have started out as a general fighting Nero’s war, but ultimately was (together with his son Titus) the one responsible for seeing it through to the bitter end. The victory over the Jews served to legitimize the establishment of the Flavian dynasty and deflected attention away from the casualties and immense destruction that Rome’s civil war had wrought—the very war that catapulted Vespasian to power. Rogers argues that Vespasian may also have had a stake in destroying the Jerusalem Temple, to eliminate a competitive sacrificial cult that might threaten Rome’s hegemony in the eastern Mediterranean.

This, then, explains why the First Jewish Revolt was neither a small nor an insignificant war, contrary to some recent claims. Rogers’s shifting of the focus away from the revolt’s causes to the reasons the Romans invested so much effort and resources into quelling it offers a refreshing and compelling take on a pivotal historical event many of us thought we knew well.

Dennis Mizzi is a senior lecturer in Hebrew and ancient Judaism at the University of Malta. He specializes in Qumran studies, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and early Judaism.

Read more in Bible History Daily:

How Ancient Jews Dated Years

A New Document Dated to Four Years After the Second Jewish Revolt

Tasting the Past

Read more in the BAS Library:

Did the Temple Menorah Come Back to Jerusalem?

Recovering Roman Jerusalem—The Entryway Beneath Damascus Gate

Not a BAS Library or All-Access Member yet? Join today.

The post Review: For the Freedom of Zion appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.

Zacchaeus in the Sycamore Awaiting the Passage of Jesus, by James Tissot, Online Collection of The Brooklyn Museum. Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

The story of Zacchaeus, a rich, short, and thoroughly unpopular chief tax collector in Jericho, has entranced readers and hearers for two millennia. People grin because it is funny and absurd—but somehow wonderfully believable. Wanting to see Jesus, Zacchaeus broke accepted norms for one of his status by running, scrambling up a sycamore fig tree, and seemingly hiding therein. Upon meeting Jesus, he unexpectedly volunteered to make financial amends by giving away half his possessions and restoring what he may have wrongfully taken. Told only in Luke (19:1–10), the encounter between Jesus and Zacchaeus occurred a little more than a week before Jesus’s crucifixion in Jerusalem.

The Setting

When Jesus entered Jericho after healing a blind man, a crowd immediately formed. People jockeyed to see him and many probably wondered if he and his disciples would stay awhile. Zacchaeus, likewise curious, sought to see Jesus. However, the crowd, forming an impenetrable line, refused to let this vertically-challenged, probable shyster pass.

Undeterred and determined, Zacchaeus ran ahead outside the city to a nearby sycamore, climbed up, and waited. Known for their abundant leaves and high, bowl-like canopies, sycamores yield colorful clusters of figs.

FREE ebook: Jerusalem Archaeology: Exposing the Biblical City Read about some of the city’s most groundbreaking excavations.

Email(Required)

REQUEST FREE BOOK

Meanwhile, Jesus continued walking through Jericho and eventually stopped under that sycamore. He looked up, called Zacchaeus by name, and told him to hurry and come down! Announcing loudly enough for all to hear, Jesus said, “I must stay at your house today!” (v. 5) (italics added). Luke does not record how the newly-discovered Zacchaeus descended, but I think he slid down the trunk and landed with a thump!

He straightened his robe and gladly welcomed Jesus. Meanwhile, the crowd grumbled. No doubt Jesus and Zacchaeus heard loud reminders that Jesus was going to a sinner’s house (v. 7)!

The Timing

Scholars debate what happened next. Did Jesus, his entourage, and Zacchaeus immediately go to Zacchaeus’s house, or did Zacchaeus’s upcoming, surprising declaration immediately follow his descent? I favor the latter. Why? Because his words sound planned, rehearsed, decisive. As a chief tax collector, he routinely handled money and made decisions.

Ignoring his malcontented neighbors, Zacchaeus directly addressed Jesus: “Look, half of my possessions, Lord, I will give to the poor; and if I have defrauded anyone of anything, I will pay back four times as much” (v. 8).

I picture Jesus joyfully throwing back his head and shouting loudly for everyone to hear, “Today salvation has come to this house, because he too is a son of Abraham! For the Son of Man came to seek out and save the lost” (vv. 9–10). Jesus not only validated Zacchaeus’s announcement but also made a pun on himself and his name, which comes from the Hebrew word for “salvation.”

A Bit of Background

As a chief tax collector, Zacchaeus probably had bought his position from a Roman official. Perhaps he supervised other tax collectors. Rome allowed its personnel to charge more than the tax and keep the profit. The system bred corruption. Jewish communities across Judea hated it and grouped tax collectors with sinners (15:1–2). Tax collectors took tolls and tariffs on farm crops and transported goods. Despised in Roman Palestine and considered unclean, they were accused of cheating and widely regarded as traitors.

Amazingly, Jesus sought their company! Early in his ministry, Jesus had chosen Levi, a tax collector, as a disciple (5:27–32). When summoned, Levi immediately left his toll booth, perhaps near the Sea of Galilee, and followed Jesus. Soon afterward, Levi hosted a banquet for Jesus and invited his tax collector friends. Perhaps Zacchaeus attended. Jesus’s critics, the Pharisees and the teachers of the law, chastised him for his association with such folk. Replying with the analogy that the healthy have no need of a doctor but the sick do, Jesus then stated his mission: “I have not come to call the righteous but sinners to repentance” (5:32); he expanded this rationale subsequently with Zacchaeus (19:10).

Zacchaeus’s Pledge

What about Zacchaeus’s promise to give half his possessions to the poor—an unexpected, amazing, absurdly generous, and voluntary gesture? Such action was not mandated—nor even suggested—by the Torah. Exodus 22:1 states, “If an ox is stolen, the thief must pay back five oxen; if a sheep, the payback is four.” Restitution plus a fine summarized the Jewish view. Zacchaeus vowed to more than meet that standard.

However, he does not say when this four-fold payback and division of his possessions will start, but I think it began early the next morning. By being more than fair, Zacchaeus sought not only to do the right thing but also to restore his status in the community. After all, his name is related to the Hebrew word for “pure.” Perhaps his neighbors’ shunning extended to all in his household—both family and servants.

Textual Insights

In ancient Israel, tradition required travelers to go to a central part of a town, wait, and be invited to a home. However, with Zacchaeus, Jesus not only reversed this by inviting himself but also added urgency. He told Zacchaeus to “hurry and come down” and then gave this reason: “for I must stay at your house today” (v. 5) (italics added). Earlier in his ministry, there was a similar urgency to go through Samaria (John 4:4). Arguably, the reason for both encounters was Jesus had to meet a woman at a well and had to stay with Zacchaeus.

Quite likely in the humor, surprise, and confusion of the sycamore encounter, the gathered crowd missed the thrust of Jesus’s words. His double mention of house (Luke 19: 5, 9) emphasized household salvation, a theme of Luke-Acts, the two books credited to the apostle. While a guest in Zacchaeus’s home, Jesus no doubt mingled with the family and servants; they also would share in the joy of Zacchaeus’s decisions and restitutions.

The story of Zacchaeus builds on Luke’s portrayal of Jesus as one who sought those marginalized by age, gender, illness, occupation, or political affiliation. He welcomed both the materially and spiritually poor. Perhaps Zacchaeus had heard Jesus’s parables of the lost—the lost sheep, coin, and sons (Luke 15)—and knew he was lost spiritually. Perhaps Zacchaeus had heard Jesus’s parable of the Good Samaritan (10:25–37) and identified with a traveler on the road to Jericho. Perhaps Zacchaeus responded in hope when hearing the parable comparing the prayers of the self-righteous, self-exulting Pharisee and the penitent tax collector who asked for mercy; of the two, the latter went away justified (18:9–14).

Luke’s Themes

The story of Zacchaeus builds on Luke’s themes. One is the concept of sight and seeing. Zacchaeus wanted to see Jesus (19:3). A blind man had received his sight shortly before Jesus entered Jericho (18:18–43).

Luke skillfully balances a story about a man with one about a woman. Zacchaeus, the repentant tax collector, was called a “son of Abraham,” and an unnamed woman bent double for 18 years and healed was called a “daughter of Abraham” (19:9; 13:10–17). Both faced criticism and ostracism. Jesus reminded their grumblers—Jericho’s residents and the leader of a synagogue—that these two marginalized people belonged—as did they!—to the covenant.

The Next Day

Jesus and his entourage stayed the night (or maybe more) in Zacchaeus’s home. Luke remains silent on the conversations, festivities, and accommodations. Perhaps as the honored guest, Jesus taught the parable of the ten pounds, another allegory on God’s present and future kingdom (19:11–27).

After sunrise, the guests, household, and host parted. Zacchaeus, account ledger at hand, probably stationed himself at his gate, ready to make good on his repayment plan. An eager line probably formed. Meanwhile, Jesus turned toward Jerusalem; he had told his disciples of his upcoming death (18:31–33). The sycamore sparkled with dew. Perhaps while stopping under its leafy canopy, he looked for ripe figs.

Robin Gallaher Branch, a frequent Bible History Daily contributor, serves as an adjunct professor at Christian Brothers University in Memphis, Tennessee, and in a research capacity at North-West University in Potchefstroom, South Africa, where she did her Fulbright Fellowship in 2002–2003. She holds a Ph.D. in Hebrew Studies from the University of Texas at Austin. She is the author of numerous academic articles and two books, Six Biblical Plays for Contemporary Audiences (Cascade 2016) and Jeroboam’s Wife: The Enduring Contributions of the Old Testament’s Least-Known Women (Wipf & Stock 2018).

More from Robin Gallaher Branch in Bible History Daily:

The Bible and Sexuality in South Africa

Barnabas: An Encouraging Early Church Leader

Part II—Barnabas: An Encouraging Early Church Leader

Judith: A Remarkable Heroine

Judith: A Remarkable Heroine, Part 2

All-Access subscribers, read more in the BAS Library:

Joshua

Where Did the Early Israelites Come From?

Not a BAS Library or All-Access Member yet? Join today.

The post Making Amends appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.

A Mikveh, ritual bath, at Qumran

Second Temple Judaism has become almost synonymous with the idea of ritual purity. From various sources, including Rabbinic writings, the works of Josephus, and the biblical texts themselves, we learn that ideas concerning the clean and unclean were constantly in the minds of the Jewish people of the first century. This had as much to do with the geo-political situation of the era as it do the interpretation of scripture.

Since the time of the Babylonian Exile, Jews had lived outside of Israel. While the Jewish remnant was allowed to return home and rebuild their temple following the edict of Cyrus, many Jews chose to stay in Persia and make a new life. This situation is illustrated beautifully in the Book of Esther. Nehemiah was even able to obtain the prestigious position of the King’s Cupbearer. Following Alexander and the rise of the Hellenistic empires of his successors, Jews spread out all over the known world during the Diaspora. With that, naturally, came a growing sense of identity as a people group. No matter where they lived, the Jews were God’s covenant people and would remain so. By adhering to the purity laws of the Torah, the Jewish people were able to strengthen their cultural identity as a separate people living amid other nations. The Book of Daniel, which is commonly believed to have been written in the early second century B.C.E., conveys this idea well, with Daniel’s refusal to eat unclean food and engage in unclean practices within the court of Babylon.

By the first century, however, these notions took on a much more political role within the lives of the people of Judea. God had yet to fulfill his promise to the prophets and restore the Kingdom of Israel. In place of the promised Davidic king, a pagan governor ruled the land on behalf of an emperor across the Mediterranean. The “unclean” was constantly in their midst, exercising power and control. In effect, ritual purity became an act of defiance that separated the Jewish people from their gentile overlords. As an example, Josephus relates how hard it was for Herod Antipas to find Jews that would live on the defiled soil of Tiberius, a town the client king had built in honor of the Roman Emperor (Antiquities 18.36–38).

FREE eBook: Life in the Ancient World.
Craft centers in Jerusalem, family structure across Israel and ancient practices—from dining to makeup—through the Mediterranean world.

Email(Required)

REQUEST FREE BOOK

The main religious factions of the day each had their views concerning ritual purity. For the Sadducees, who were mainly comprised of a familial priesthood concerned with attending to the Temple and all that entailed, purity was crucial for their identity as priests. In order to do their jobs they had to keep to all of the various ritual purity laws written in the Torah, particularly those that concerned the priesthood in the Book of Leviticus.

In the gospels, the Pharisees question Jesus on a number of issues, including his ideas about ritual purity. Image: “The Pharisees Question Jesus,” by James Tissot (public domain).

The Pharisees and the Essenes, however, believed the Levitical purity laws of the Torah should be practiced by all the Jewish people. This belief was likely influenced by the text of Exodus 19:6, in which all of Israel is called be a “kingdom of priests and a holy people.” For the Essenes, who viewed themselves as spiritual successors to the corrupt priests of Jerusalem, ritual purity was a constant effort. As described by Josephus, they always ate their meals in a state of purity, immersing themselves before every meal and only eating food prepared by priests. Members of the community also swore to never eat the food of the non-initiated. These same concerns seem evident at Qumran as well, as the Dead Sea Scrolls describe similar practices among that community.

According to Josephus, the Pharisees were among the most scrupulous  in their observance of ancestral purity laws. Perhaps this was due to the fact that the Pharisees did not seclude themselves in an extreme effort to avoid the unclean. As such, the rabbis and the people who adhered to their teachings did what they could to remain a ritually pure people living alongside unclean pagans.

Within the Gospels, this underlying agenda is prevalent within the episodes dealing with notions of purity. At times the apparent lack of concern shown by Jesus and his followers provokes the Pharisees, who seemed genuinely puzzled by it. Jesus, in turn, questions the Pharisees about their great concern for ritual purity while neglecting the more fundamental demands of ethical holiness and social justice.

Regardless of religious party, however, a vision of a people set apart by God and fit to dwell in the midst of his holiness was central to the piety of Second Temple Judaism.

To learn more about ritual purity and its role in Jesus’ ministry, read “Jesus and Ritual Impurity” by Matthew Thiessen, published in the Fall 2021 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Members, read more in the BAS Library:

Not a BAS Library or All-Access Member yet? Join today.

Purity and Impurity in Iron Age Israel by Avraham Faust

Did Jesus Oppose the Purity Laws?
by Paula Fredriksen

Ancient Israel’s Stone Age: Purity in Second Temple times by Yitzhak Magen

Stepped Pools and Stone Vessels: Rethinking Jewish Purity Practices in Palestine by Cecilia Wassén

The post Clean or Unclean? appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.

Remains of the various vessels shattered by the eighth-century B.C.E. earthquake that struck Jerusalem and other cities throughout Israel and Judah. Credit: Eliyahu Yanai, City of David

According to the Israel Antiquities Authority, evidence for a powerful earthquake mentioned by the prophets Amos and Zechariah has been discovered in Jerusalem. According to excavation directors Joe Uziel and Ortal Chalaf, the evidence was found in a destruction layer of the City of David Archaeological Park. Amid the destruction, which dates to the mid-eighth century B.C.E., they found collapsed walls and shattered vessels, but no signs of fire. After extensive research, the team concluded the destruction must have resulted from the famed earthquake that occurred in the lands of Israel and Judah during the reign of Uzziah, king of Judah.

The earthquake is mentioned twice in the Hebrew Bible, first in Amos 1:1, which says that Amos began prophesying two years before the earthquake occurred. The quake is also referenced in Zechariah 14:5, where Zechariah compares the devastation wrought by the approaching end of days to the earthquake that shook Judah during the reign of King Uzziah. Given that Zechariah lived two centuries after Amos, the earthquake must have been extreme enough to leave a lasting impression on the Judean consciousness. Indeed, the IAA excavators believe it was “probably one of the strongest and most damaging earthquakes in ancient times.”

Evidence for this powerful eighth-century B.C.E. earthquake has now been discovered in several sites across modern Israel, including Hazor, Gezer, Tel Agol, and Tell es-Safi. The Jerusalem excavation, however, provides the first evidence that the quake impacted the Judean hill country as well.

FREE ebook: Ancient Israel in Egypt and the Exodus.

Email(Required)

REQUEST FREE BOOK

A June, 2021 analysis of the evidence from the site of Tel Agol in the Jezreel Valley has shed further light on this momentous earthquake. The fortress of Tel Agol, first constructed in the tenth century B.C.E., allowed the Kingdom of Israel to control and watch over the strategic valley. Around the mid-eighth century, large sections of the fortress’s walls were destroyed by what the excavators concluded could only have been an earthquake. Although some sections were rebuilt, the fortress never regained its original prominence.

While the eighth-century earthquake itself is now well documented through archaeological evidence, each new discoveryprovides a fuller picture of the quake’s destructive power. The evidence shows that the quake wrought devastation from Hazor in the north to Tell es-Safi in the south, a swath of destruction more than 125 miles long—certainly a powerful and remarkable event that was remembered by the biblical prophets.

Read more in the Bas Library

Not a BAS Library or All-Access Member yet? Join today.

Earthquake!:Inspiration for Armageddon by Amos NurHagai Ron

Almost 200 of the approximately 400 archaeological sites excavated in Israel show possible evidence of earthquake destruction: fallen columns lying like parallel toothpicks, collapsed walls, crushed skeletons and slipped keystones as well as a regional pattern of destruction

New Light on the Nabataeans: Recent excavations at the rose red city of Petra reveal devastation by the same earthquake which destroyed Jerusalem in 363 A.D. by Philip C. Hammond

Suddenly, and without warning, at the third hour of the night (the third hour after sunset according to Roman practice) the streets of Jerusalem trembled and buckled, crushing two hundred years of hope into a pile of dust. No longer would there be any possibility of rebuilding the Temple. A hundred and twenty miles south of Jerusalem, on the other side of the Jordan, the magnificent facade of Petra’s theater fell inward.

The Volcano Explains Everything—Or Does It?: Does this crater from an ancient volcanic eruption hold the answer to the mysteries of the Exodus? by Manfred Bietak

The idea of associating the Thera eruption with the unusual tempest in the Tempest Stela of Ahmose has also been suggested a number of times, although the idea has also been refuted. And the association of the Exodus with the Thera eruption is also not new. Already in 1981, Hans Goedicke, then professor at The Johns Hopkins University, compared the features in the Exodus narrative with a volcanic eruption and its aftereffects.

The post Evidence of Biblical Earthquake Discovered in Jerusalem appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.

There is no doubt that King Herod the Great left his mark on history. Not only did he carry out impressive building projects throughout ancient Judea, but he also appears in the Bible and historical sources. Yet for all of this, no image of King Herod remains from his lifetime.

Nevertheless, Ralf Krumeich and Achim Lichtenberger show that while we may not have an image of King Herod, we still have his footprints. Literally. In their article “Searching for Portraits of King Herod,” published in the November/December 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review, they examine what remains of Herod’s portraits from his lifetime. Interestingly, Herod chose to present himself one way in Judea—before a Jewish audience—and a very different way in the rest of the world.

In Judea, Herod did not create portraits of himself. He displayed no statues, and he did not print his likeness on any coin. At least before his Jewish subjects, he abided by their religious prohibition on making images of living creatures (Exodus 20:4). This act hints to Herod’s shrewdness as a ruler. Other rulers of Judea who ignored this Jewish prohibition were often met with riot and revolt.

Outside of Judea is a different story. Searching the Mediterranean world for footprints of Herod’s legacy, Krumeich and Lichtenberger have identified five bases on which once stood bronze statues of King Herod. Three of these came from Athens. The other two came from Kos (Greece) and Sia (Syria). The accompanying inscriptions all praise Herod as a benefactor of the respective cities. From these, we see that Herod’s reservation to depict himself did not exist outside the boundaries of Judea. There, Herod presented himself as a promoter of Greco-Roman culture and welcomed honorific statues.

Become a BAS All-Access Member Now!

Read Biblical Archaeology Review online, explore 50 years of BAR, watch videos, attend talks, and more

In contrast to these positive portrayals, King Herod the Great is cast as a villain in the Bible. He is seen as a power-hungry tyrant who massacres all the infant boys in Bethlehem to protect his throne (Matthew 2:16–18). This episode, which is part of the Christmas story, is retold every December.

Similar to the biblical authors, the Jewish historian Josephus portrays Herod negatively. He recounts that Herod killed several of his sons and his wife Mariamne to solidify his power. Josephus also relates that Herod planned to kill a group of notable Jewish men at his death—just to guarantee there would be mourning in the kingdom (Jewish Antiquities 17.6).

Herod was powerful, but apparently not popular among his subjects. He was a clever ruler, who knew how to appease the Romans and—to an extent—the Jews. Yet his cruelty shines clearly in the texts of the period.

Explore all these sources and the complex image of Herod that emerges from them in Ralf Krumeich and Achim Lichtenberger’s article “Searching for Portraits of King Herod,” published in the November/December 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Related reading in Bible History Daily:

Herod the Great’s Ancient Gardens

Herod the Great and the Herodian Family Tree

Herod’s Death, Jesus’ Birth and a Lunar Eclipse

Herodium: The Tomb of King Herod Revisited

Subscribers: Read the full article “Searching for Portraits of King Herod” by Ralf Krumeich and Achim Lichtenberger in the November/December 2019 issue of Biblical Archaeology Review.

Not a subscriber yet? Join today.

The post What Did King Herod Look Like? appeared first on Biblical Archaeology Society.